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Homicide
Types of Homicide
SPOUSAL HOMICIDE
The killing of a spouse, life partner, or other significant individual of the same or opposite
sex with whom one has lived for some time and formed a stable relationship.
The FBI reported in 1997 that 26 percent of female homicide victims are slain by
husbands or boyfriends, and 3 percent of male victims are slain by wives or girlfriends.
Among legally married persons, regardless of geographic region in the U.S., African-
American females were at greatest risk of being killed by African-American spouses or
partners. Specifically: in the West, African-American males were 11 times more likely to be
victims of spousal homicide than white males, almost 7 times more likely than white
females, and 1.4 times more likely than African-American females. (Segall and Wilson
1993).
In a study by Christine Rasche (1993) of 155 "mate" homicides in Jacksonville, Florida,
between 1980 and 1986, the most salient motive for spouse murder was possessiveness
(48.9 percent) that included the inability of the offender to accept the termination of the
relationship and/or the sanctity or security of the relationship (jealousy, infidelity, and
rivalry). Feelings arising out of arguments (20.7 percent) and self-defense (15.5 percent)
were second and third principal motives respectively.
CHILD HOMICIDE
The killing of a person under the age of 18.
Sixty percent of child murders in 1994 were at the hands of family members (22 percent)
or acquaintances (38 percent). During this year, 11 percent of all murder victims were
under the age of 18 (Greenfield 1996).
Based on 45 states reporting in 1996, the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect
(1997) states that 996 children were known to have died as a result of abuse or neglect.
The majority of these deaths were children 3 years of age or younger.
Pediatric deaths as a result of handgun violence have also risen as an issue of significant
concern during the last few years.
SHAKEN BABY SYNDROME
The violent shaking of a young child that causes permanent brain injury or death.
Because shaken baby syndrome is still a relatively new classification of death or injury, it is
difficult to say for certain how many children are victims of it each year. However, one
source reports that 10 to 12 percent of all deaths due to abuse and neglect are
attributable to the syndrome (National Information Support and Referral Service 1998).
Perpetrators of shaken baby syndrome are about 80 percent male--37 percent biological
fathers and 20.5 percent boyfriends. The remaining 17.3 percent were female babysitters,
and 12.6 percent biological mothers. Sixty percent of the victims are male. Between 1,000
and 3,000 children are diagnosed with shaken baby syndrome every year, and about 100
to 120 of them die. Outcomes for victims who live include cerebral palsy, blindness,
deafness, seizures, learning disabilities, and vegetative states (Shaken Baby Alliance
1998).
PARRICIDE
The killing of one's parent.
The Bureau of Justice Statistics reports in the study Murder in Families (Dawson and
Langan 1994) that 1.97 percent of murder victims were killed by their children. This
translates to about 300 cases per year. Relatively rare when compared to other forms of
homicide, parricide has begun to attract the attention of family violence researchers.
In a review of 10 studies that examined adolescents who had killed their parents, Kathleen
Heide (1993) discusses 3 types of parricide offenders: the severely abused child, the
severely mentally ill child, and the dangerously anti-social child. She points out that
ascertaining the driving force behind a parricide is complex but factors in the family that
often contribute to the homicides include a pattern of violence, easy access to guns, and
alcoholism or heavy drinking. Adolescent offenders expressed helplessness in coping with
stress in the home and feelings of isolation and suicidal ideation. They had failed in their
attempts to get help with little (if any) adult intervention, and had failed in their efforts to
escape, with a history of running away.
Heide (1993) acknowledges that adolescent parricide offenders do include the severely
mentally ill and dangerously antisocial, but in smaller frequencies compared to severely
abused children. Components of child maltreatment pervasive in some families that also
may lead to parricide are physical, sexual, emotional, and verbal abuse, and physical,
medical and emotional neglect.
STRANGER HOMICIDE
The killing of a person or persons by an individual unknown to the victim.
In 1993, for the first time in history, Americans were more likely to be killed by a stranger
or unknown killer (53 percent of cases) than by a family member of friend. By 1996, the
trend had reversed slightly with 49 percent of homicide victims killed by strangers (FBI
1998).
MASS MURDERS
The murder of several victims within a few moments or hours of each other.
Currently in the United States, there is approximately one mass murder per week,
including public homicidal events in shopping malls, government offices, schools and
random street shootings as well as families annihilated by a troubled parent or sibling.
Although researchers have only begun to collect data on mass murders, certain
commonalties have begun to emerge (Hickey 1991). The offenders are primarily white,
male, and span a wide age range; they use semiautomatic guns and rifles to kill swiftly;
and their victims are often but not always intentionally selected by the killer.
Those who commit multiple homicides appear to do so in an irrational effort to regain,
even for a brief moment, a degree of control over their lives. To the observer, the severe
mental imbalance behind these horrible acts is clear. To the killer, however, his or her
thoughts and actions may make perfect sense, given his or her psychological
disorientation. Feelings of rejection, failure, and loss of autonomy create frustrations that
inevitably become overwhelming, and the murderer cultivates a psycho-pathological need
to strike back.
SERIAL KILLING
An offender who kills over time. They usually have at least 3 to 4 victims, and their killing is
characterized by a pattern in the type of the victims selected or the method or motives
used in the killings.
Serial killers include those who, on a repeated basis, kill within the confines of their own
home, such as a woman who poisons several husbands, children, or elderly people in
order to collect insurance. They may operate within the confines of a city or a state, or
even travel through several states as they seek out victims. Some murderers select their
victims because of their status within their immediate surroundings such as vagrants,
prostitutes, migrant workers, homosexuals, missing children, and single and often elderly
women. Some argue that anyone who kills, especially serial killers, must be mentally ill. However,
the vast majority of serial killers are not only judged sane by legal standards, but are
indistinguishable from non-offenders as they move about and within our communities.
*Reprinted from 1999 National Victim Assistance Academy Text, Chapter 11: Homicide, authors: Carroll Ann Ellis and Janice Lord, editors: Grace Coleman, Mario Gaboury, Morna Murray, and Anne Seymour
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Homicide Statistics
The 1999 Uniform Crime Report data suggest about an 8 percent drop
in the number of murders in the United States, resulting in anestimated15,
533 homicides during 1999. This translates into a rate of 6 per 100,000 U. S. inhabitants (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000).
Firearms were used in approximately 7 in 10 homicides (Ibid).
Despite an overall drop in homicides in 1999, the rate of hate-motivated murders against gays, lesbians, bisexuals, and trans-gender
individuals has increased by 12 percent (National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs, 2000).
During the first six months of 2000, 76 police officers were killed in the
line of duty. Compared with the same period the previous year, this number
represents a 13 percent increase (National Law Enforcement Officers
Memorial Fund, Inc., 2000).
Twelve percent, or 709 of 6,026, fatal work-related injuries in 1998
were homicides (Sygnatur, 2000).
A study of the relationship between stalking and intimate partner
femicide found that 76 percent of femicide cases, and 85 percent of
attempted femicide cases, involved at least one incident of stalking within
one year of the murder (McFarlane, 1999).
Data indicate that murder is most often intra-racial among victims and
offenders. In 1997, data based on incidents involving one victim and one
offender show that 94 percent of the African-American murder victims were
slain by African-American offenders, and 85 percent of white murder victims
were killed by white offenders (Ibid).
Males were most often slain by males (88 percent in single
victim/single offender situations). These same data show, however, that 9
out of 10 female victims were murdered by males (Ibid.).
Since the mid-1980s, increases in murder among 15 to 17-year-olds,
particularly African-Americans, have outpaced murder in all other age
groups (Ibid.).
*Reprinted, not in its entirety, from Crime and Victimization in America, Statistical Overview, National Center for Victims of Crime, 2000 edition
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Am I a Co-Victim?
A co-victim is a term used synonymously with the word survivor. A co-victim is
anyone who has been impacted by the death of a homicide. The term is usually
used to describe immediate family, significant others and close personal friends.
To an extent, teachers, co-workers, and other professionals who had dealing with
the deceased may be considered co-victims.
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Victims Grief
The Homicide Differential: Elements Unique to the Homicide of a Loved One That Negatively
Impact Co-victims;
In order to understand the breadth and depth of homicide, it is necessary to recognize that (1) death by homicide differs from other types of death due to a number of specific reasons and (2) cultural attitudes toward death and spirituality influence societal perceptions of homicide. Just as there are unique physical, mental, emotional, social, and financial components to every sudden death, there are spiritual ramifications as well. Those who have never thought much about God before will often do so after a loved one has died under traumatic circumstances. Persons of faith who assume that what happens to them is God's will are forced to reshape their faith positions to incorporate the fact that bad things do indeed happen to good people (Lord 1996).
We have been conditioned throughout the ages to accept that each life is destined for the
inevitability of death, which is as natural and predictable as birth. The normal repetitive
circumstances of death are disease and old age. When death is due to the unnatural
circumstance of homicide, it is sudden and without forewarning. It is now widely accepted that
there are specific elements associated with homicidal deaths that distinguish the impact upon
the surviving family members from other forms of dying.
They include:
- The intent to harm. One of the most distinguishing factors between homicidal death and
other forms of dying is the intent of the murderer to harm the victim. Co-victims must deal with
the anger, rage, and violence that has been inflicted upon someone they love.
- Stigmatization. Because society sometimes places blame on murdered victims for their
own death which translates into blame on the victim's family when it is believed that they should
have controlled the behavior that led to the death, "co-victims of homicide often feel abandoned,
ashamed, powerless, and vulnerable" (Redmond 1989).
- Media and public view. Regardless of public sympathies surrounding homicidal deaths,
they almost never remain private. Co-victims are quickly thrust into public view and become fair
game for public consumption. While some journalists exercise consideration and objectivity in
their reporting of homicidal events, the degree of intrusion into the lives of co-victims of homicide
constitutes a major homicide differential.
- Criminal or juvenile justice system. Unlike family members of individuals who die of
natural deaths, co-victims of homicide are the most likely population of victims to be thrust into a
complex system of legal players and jargon. Co-victims must quickly become acquainted with a
world of crime scenes, evidence, and autopsies. Co-victims of homicide have much to learn
about the investigative, prosecutorial, and judiciary branches of the criminal justice system in a
very short time. They are often expected to quickly comprehend a system that may in some
instances be insensitive and specifically designed to protect the rights of the accused (with little
regard for the victim). In addition, co-victims may encounter many cognitive and environmental
stimuli that remind them of the crime such as contact with the defendant and/or reviewing the
traumatic details of the crime in the courtroom. This experience often results in the kind of
avoidance behavior that leads co-victims to cancel or not show up for appointments with criminal
justice system officers or victim advocates.
- Bereavement. As early as 1983, E. K. Rynearson, M.D., determined that bereavement
after homicide is so prevalent that it deserved clinical attention. His clinical studies involving the
family members of murder victims revealed that all of his subjects had previously experienced
bereavement following the natural death of a relative; and the psychological processing of
homicide was accompanied by cognitive reactions that differed from previously experienced
forms of bereavement. Rynearson's research forms the basis for the shift from viewing the co-
victims' grief issues separate and apart from the impact of trauma associated with the death of a
family member. Traumatic grief over homicidal death distinctly differs from other forms of grief.
Co-Victim's Grief
*Reprinted from 1999 National Victim Assistance Academy Text, Chapter 11: Homicide, authors: Carroll Ann Ellis and Janice Lord, editors: Grace Coleman, Mario Gaboury, Morna Murray, and Anne Seymour
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Reactions to Homicide
Although many emotional responses are shared by family members when a loved one is murdered, each surviving family member will experience distinct emotional responses. In addition to the sudden, violent death of a loved one, co-victims may experience additional stress if the deceased was subjected to acts of torture, sexual assault, or other intrusive, heinous acts. They may have a constant need to be reassured that the death was quick and painless and that suffering was minimal. If the death was one of torture or of long duration, they may become emotionally fixated on what the victim must have felt and the terror experienced. They may fixate on the race of the offender to try to understand the motive behind the murder, and may develop a biased view of a certain race or culture based on the actions of the offender. If the offender was a family member or friend, co-victims may experience additional interfamilial discord as family members choose sides for support.
PLACEMENT IN THE FAMILY
Murder of a child.
In the natural order of things, parents precede their child(ren) in death. The death of one's child is one of the least expected experiences in life. Parents serve as protectors for their child(ren). This sense of protectiveness often promotes parental guilt and self-blame. The feelings even occur when the deceased child is an adult. The killing of a child is particularly complex when there are other small children in the family whose needs must be met as well. It is not uncommon for a parent (or parents) to idealize the deceased child, attributing qualities that are idealistic, not real. This can cause siblings to conclude that the "wrong child died."
Fathers often deal with their emotions by retreating into silence and denying the presence of intense emotions. This may be their way of remaining strong for the mother, and this motive may be misunderstood or interpreted as a lack of caring or concern. If the family structure incorporates stepparents, the roles and display of appropriate emotions may be even further complicated. The biological parent may feel that the stepparent could not possibly understand the type of pain he or she is feeling. This may lead to alienation of the stepparent in the grieving process.
Murder of a sibling.
Younger brothers and sisters of murdered children are often unintentionally overlooked by parents who try to protect them from painful information and experiences. In addition to losing a sibling, they may also have lost their best friend. Parents simply do not have enough energy to deal with them. Initial community and extended family support usually focuses on helping the grieving parent, what they are feeling or what they need. Siblings may worry about their own safety and possible death. They may become overly fearful of losing a parent or other sibling in the same manner. Many younger siblings have an extremely difficult time when they reach the age at which their sibling was murdered. Adult siblings may worry that the stress of their sibling's murder may hasten their parents' deaths. They may also resent their parents' pre-occupation with the victim and their idealization of the deceased.
Murder of a spouse.
The feelings and emotional needs of a surviving spouse will depend on the nature of the marital relationship. If there was discord or dissension, co-victims may suffer intense guilt feelings. If it was a loving partnership, the feelings of loss may be overwhelming. The age of the spousal co-victim will also play an important factor in the emotions of the co-victim. Elderly co-victims and younger co-victims may not do as well as the middle-aged co-victim (Steele 1992). Steele's study of 60 widows and widowers found that spouses between ages 20 and 35 faced significant financial stress and became exhausted with working, rearing grieving children, and attending to maintenance of the home and family. This anger is then followed by guilt. Murder of a young spouse also may leave the surviving spouse choosing never again to remarry because of the fear it will happen again. They may feel they have lost their future. Those 66 to 85 in the Steele study also experienced more stress than the middled-aged group. They may be displaced from their home because they are not able to care for themselves. They may have lost partners of many years and, with their lives so intertwined, feel that they are no longer needed or important.
Murder of a parent.
Young surviving children naturally worry about who will care for them. Smaller children tend to experience the death as desertion since they have little ability to understand what has happened or to conceptualize death. They are angry because the parent was not the "superhuman" they envisioned. They wonder why the parent did not fight harder or run faster, and may blame the victim for his or her own death.
Traumatic death in the family is especially hurtful to children and youth. Bradach (1995) studied 181 young people aged 17 to 28 and found that those who had experienced a traumatic death in the family when they were children had greater depression, more global psychological stress, and lower individuation and separation from the family than those who had experienced more common losses. They also had more difficulty forming intimate relationships (Bradach and Jordan 1995). For older or adult children, anger levels may increase because they feel their parent's death was not the dignified one that they deserved or expected. If the family was experiencing discord, children may feel intensely guilty there was not enough time to rectify the familial problems.
*Reprinted from 1999 National Victim Assistance Academy Text, Chapter 11: Homicide, authors: Carroll Ann Ellis and Janice Lord, editors: Grace Coleman, Mario Gaboury, Morna Murray, and Anne Seymour
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Common Concerns
Co-victims themselves provide the most accurate information regarding their experiences during this period. They become experts in explaining their problems and needs. In addition to personal trauma, Parents of Murdered Children, Inc. (1989) lists 8 additional problem areas co-victims must endure.
- Financial considerations. Expenses related to funeral, burial, medical treatment, psychiatric care for family members, and other costs are all part of the aftermath experienced by co-victims. These considerations are grave and contribute in a major way to the continuing distress experienced.
- The criminal or juvenile justice system. Co-victims of homicide have a vested interest in participating in the criminal or juvenile justice system and understanding the complex issues of a cumbersome legal system. When members of a homicide support group (Fairfax Peer Survivors Group) in Fairfax, Virginia, were polled about their needs during the legal process, the single most important issue for them was their ability to obtain information from the prosecutors, detectives, and other professionals. They wanted to know exactly how, when, and why their loved one was murdered and who committed the murder; wanted to know if their loved one suffered; wanted to know the truth about the events of the death and elements needed to support the charge; and, expected to feel better if the case was successfully prosecuted. Discounting the family's contribution to a case discounts the pain of their victimization. Co- victims feel devalued when they are not allowed input into plea decisions and when they are barred from criminal or juvenile justice proceedings. They are distraught when the imposition of a technical rule, e.g., a "gag order" which prevents them from attending the trial, may in turn eliminate their last opportunity to do something for their loved one (Sobieski 1994).
- Employment. A co-victim's ability to function and perform on the job is diminished. Motivation is sometimes altered. They experience emotional bursts of crying or losing their tempers. They are impatient with trivia. Having to explain or apologize can create additional stress. Some co-victims use work as an escape to avoid working through their grief. They resist dealing directly with their pain by placing it on hold while at work.
- Marriages. It is common for marital partners to have difficulty relating, and they may even separate after a death due to homicide. (Divorces, however, are not as common as once believed.) Each partner may grieve differently. They may blame each other for the loss, particularly in the case of the death of a child. They may each wish to turn away from the memories that the other partner evokes. They are sometimes unable to help each other because they cannot help themselves.
- Children. Parents often fail to communicate with their children by either ignoring them when they are preoccupied with their own issues or hoping to protect them from unnecessary trauma. The children, in turn, fear adding to their parents' pain and simply withdraw. Children who witness the killing of someone they love experience profound emotional trauma, including post traumatic stress disorder, and may not readily receive adequate intervention.
Furthermore, young people who report having to perform tasks associated with the fatal injury, such as telephoning for police or emergency medical services, or responding to the immediate needs of the injured person or the perpetrator, are often traumatized. When the issue of blame or accountability for the death is not resolved through police investigation, children may re-examine their behavior, believing that if they had done something differently, they could have prevented the death. Without support and an opportunity to explore the feasibility of such alternatives, children often continue to unnecessarily blame themselves.
- Religious faith. Questions for, anger at, and challenges to God surface regarding the reason for the death. How could a loving God allow it to happen? Where is the loved one? Some conclude, at least for a while, that "if there were a God, then God would not have let this happen. Since it happened, there must not be a God." Faithful co-victims seeking to understand sometimes look for answers from unorthodox sources. Over-simplistic comments and "answers" by clergy and church members sometimes create problems for co-victims who take their spiritual pilgrimage seriously.
- The media. Many homicide co-victims are subjected to the intrusion of what they perceive to be an insensitive media. The competitive quest for sensational, fast-breaking news items may override the need for privacy of anguishing families who may be experiencing prolonged scrutiny, inaccurate reporting, and gruesome reminders of the violence associated with the death.
- Professionals who do not understand. Co-victims report that too many professionals (police, court personnel, hospital personnel, funeral directors, clergy, school personnel, psychologists, and psychiatrists) demonstrate by their comments and actions that they do not fully understand the impact of death by homicide upon the remaining family members.
- Substance Abuse. Working with co-victims through the Separation and Loss Services, a program he founded in 1989 to address the special needs of co-victims of homicide, Dr. Ted Rynearson estimated that 30 percent of his clients had substance abuse problems (Rynearson and McCreery 1993).
*Reprinted from 1999 National Victim Assistance Academy Text, Chapter 11: Homicide, authors: Carroll Ann Ellis and Janice Lord, editors: Grace Coleman, Mario Gaboury, Morna Murray, and Anne Seymour
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Approaches for Help
* Co-victims should be allowed to grieve in whatever manner they wish and for as long as they wish.
- Co-victims should be allowed to cry freely. It is a healthy expression of grief and releases tensions.
- Co-victims should be allowed to talk about and personalize the victim. Allow the co-victim to criticize the victim and to talk about the good times and the bad times.
- Allow co-victims to get angry at the criminal or juvenile justice system, the criminal or juvenile murderer, the victim, or simply the unfairness of life. Anger needs to be expressed.
- Let the co-victims know you remember, too, by remembering them at holiday times, on the anniversary date of the murder, and the victim's birthday.
- Allow the co-victims some occasional "time out" from day-to-day pressures. Encourage them to take a day off from work or a day out of the house, etc., and if possible, offer to help with the children.
- Reassure the co-victims that the murder was neither their fault nor the victim's fault.
- Tell co-victims that you are sorry the murder happened and it is horrible that someone they loved was killed.
- Support co-victims in their efforts to reconstruct their lives, even if it means a major change in lifestyle.
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